Customs, Ceremonies and Funeral Practices Among the Betsimisaraka of Madagascar [pl]

Father Josef Niesyto, dr hab.

Devoutness of the Betsimisaraka (topic of this analysis), formed through generations, and connected with death and funerary ceremonies, has certainly never been a fixed set of beliefs and customs.

Constant dynamism is the nature of any culture, and it is expressed through the development of some elements of culture, and the disappearance of others. Spiritual and religious culture of the Betsimisaraka remains in mutual relations with the conditions of material, economic and political life.

Without a doubt, widely understood civilization factors, which in the Betsimisaraka tribe rather strongly influence their presence after 1947 (development of school system, infrastructure, hospitals, agriculture and commerce), made their mark on the popular attitude toward death. In spite of pressure of civilization, one has to admit, that its results did not, almost at all, affect the way in which the Betsimisaraka understand and celebrate death. It appears that, tribal tradition passed down from generations, as well as Christian missionary activities, which effectively influenced mentality and customs of the tribe had a great impact on stabilization of a particular vision of life and death. Such crystallized traditional model of religious life survived then through time till the present day.

Socio-cultural system, migration of people, socio-economic changes, electrification of largely populated places, introduction of television and telecommunication, and national politics after 1947, leading to shift in the system from colonial to democratic, are the factors that contributed to destabilization in the religious sphere of life.

Research, which resulted in this here work, made it possible for this author to present specific and unique complex of beliefs and customs, related to death. Collected research material qualifies the author to state, that cultural content of traditional beliefs present in the examined area remains, in terms of Asian and continental African cultures, to a large degree, original. Ethnography treating established culture presented it so far in a total opposition to Christianity, revealing only the relations, emerged due to contact of cultural systems. Ethnographic literature focused mainly on customs and rites in their internal form. Deeper analysis of the content of death and funerary rites is an achievement of this work. It shows that some elements of traditional spirituality have their reference to the Catholic ones, and demonstrates richness of invocations, songs and conventions, belonging to liturgical ceremonial. In its manifestation the Malagasy ars morendi et sepeliendi in some way ties in with the norm, which used to be present, at one time, in the entire Christian world. These standards used to help many European generations in living out the drama of death and presented the vision of life after death.

One of the intentions of this research was to observe the changes taking place in the death ceremonials. It has been decided that social transformation in the approach to dying, as well as familial and communal forms of celebrations, are contingent upon the conditions in which a given community functions.

Leaders such as clan chiefs, Tangalamena, and Christian leaders play an invaluable role in continuation of the funerary ceremonial tradition. They maintain the world of traditional beliefs, inherited from previous generations, and also the skill to assist agony of death and animation of traditional funerary rites.

The Betsimisaraka death and funerary rites are an expression of their deep faith in life after death. Such conclusion is possible due to the analysis of the eschatological and anthropological beliefs, which the Betsimisaraka and other Malagasy tribes consider as their own, along with the expression of ritual activities, used during agony and the entire set of customs preceding burial. It does not in the least exclude existence of elements, which ought to be considered as foreign or contrary to the doctrine of the Catholic Church. Appearance of such phenomena as, for example, belief in signs ‘foretelling’ death, prophetic meaning of dreams, or presence of a spirits next to its body, proves, that Malagasy religiosity does not decline a certain kind of syncretism. Union of particular components of Christian faith with traditional beliefs allows for conclusion, that the mystery of death and life beyond grave in formulation of theology and catholic asceticism, did not manage to eliminate or assimilate local ‘eschatology.’ Christian faith, doubtless from the beginning of the missionary expeditions, was strongly set on the Madagascar’s Central Plateau, (first in the Merina and Betsileo tribe), from where is reached the east coast and the Betsimisaraka.

One of the stable elements of the autochthon culture in question is occult practice. This phenomenon, confirming belief of the aborigines in the presence of the Ancestors and the possibility of creating relations with them, is an integral part of the Malagasy credo. In the Betsimisaraka tribe, traditional funerary beliefs and customs go beyond the frame of theological orthodoxy. However, these elements were accepted by Christian communities and constitute a separate segment of traditional funerary ceremonies.

Contemporary model of socio-economic relations in big urban conglomeration in Madagascar and technological culture greatly influencing traditional life, on the one hand contributes to dismantling of the old model of death and burial, on the other steers for a new one, based on traditional beliefs, but corresponding with the character of the civilization changes. Local culture deals with modernity surprisingly well.

Anthropology (discussed in the context of death) accepted by the Malagasy in its basic points is not unlike Christian notions. Human being is understood to be a union of a body and a soul. The soul has the priority (the concept is not yet accurately defined, therefore one often speaks of a spirit as an element, endowed with immortality). The body appears as a less important aspect, almost superfluous, with the exception of human bones, relatively durable and resistant to a fast decay. Such understood vision does not promote disregard for the body, but indicates that the purpose of human existence is uniting with God Zanahary, what in Christian terminology can be called salvation of the soul. The Malagasy concept of a human being presents it as a dual creation. It is regarded as weak, sinful, and short-lived but at the same time very important, called to cooperation with God Zanahary and unification with him.

Belief in afterlife directs life of the Betsimisaraka people and highly ranks the way, in which a person leaves this world. The moment of necessary separation from the living is understood as a ‘gentle moment of departure into the company of the Ancestors.‘ Since the ‘event of death’ takes place on the spiritual plane first and foremost, the Malagasy willingly call upon God Zanahary, as the highest power, and the Ancestors.

In the traditional approach to death, the notion of ‘good’ and ‘bad’ death is strongly rooted and fortified by the preparations for the departure into the afterworld. The phenomenon of the spirit apparitions and spirit meeting with the living, in reality and in dreams, creates a specific picture of the life in the beyond and has a great psychological meaning. Meeting with the spirits, attested to by the informants, and dreams certainly strengthen long-established practices and encourage to pray for the deceased and to offer traditional sacrifices. These apparitions prove that the pre-Christian concept of the afterworld (divided by Christian Middle Ages), which remains in close proximity and enables communication with the world of the living, is still current in Madagascar.

It is necessary to separate conventional beliefs, preserved in the oral tradition, from the Christian ones. One of the final things in the life of Christians is the judgment day. Christian informants understand it as an individual judgment - that is one, which takes place immediately after the moment of death, whereas the final judgment is almost completely omitted. In the scene of the judgment take part the deceased, God-the Judge, and the Ancestors. The anthropomorphic depiction of the Christian vision of the judgment day shows it as filled with the atmosphere of fear. This fear is weakened by presence of Jesus and intercession of Mary, Mother of God. In the opinion of the older generation of the Malagasy Christians, the purgatory appears as a place of painful suffering. The picture of heaven and hell corresponds generally to the traditional teaching of the Church. However, the indigenous ‘eschatology’ does not fit into the perimeters classical Catholic scheme. Both purgatory and hell do not exist according to the customary beliefs. Based on the funerary customs, nevertheless, one can speak of sui generis ‘purgatory’ in the physical, or material sense. Using the definition of purgatory in Catholic theology, defining it as a ‘place where a soul is cleansed of committed mistakes,’ one can see the analogy with the Malagasy traditions. ‘Cleansing’ happens during funerary ceremonies, namely during the bone cleansing. It has a certain connection with the spiritual realm, since cleansing of the body is obligatory in order for the spirit to cross the liminal phase and be able to return to God to be united with him for eternity. When it comes to the question of hell, one can observe in traditional customs certain analogy to the Catholic concept of eternal punishment. Mutatis mutandis, hell can be described as the time from the moment of death, in which a given person learns that due to their trespasses committed in the community, their bones will not rest in the family tomb. That means they are deprived of eternal happiness. Awareness of ritual exclusion from the community evokes certain psychological suffering and, therefore, becomes an aspect of hell here on earth.

It is important to articulate, that imagination of members of the Betsimisaraka tribe is rather poor in its depiction of the place of happiness, for which they yearn. The word ‘heaven’ is used to designate a place, where God Zanahary and the Ancestors reside. This heaven itself is supposedly very high above, where one unites with God. In this case one can speak of theocentric vision of heaven, or anthropocentric, understood as a place of a renewed union with a husband or a wife, children, relatives and friends. It allows for a statement that both visions contain an idea that heaven is a fulfillment of the deepest desires of the Betsimisaraka. Such comprehended image of heaven does not collide with beliefs of Christian eschatology.

Death, because of its obviousness and inevitability, will always provoke man to a profound reflection on the sense of life, love, and suffering. Still, the stance toward death in a very particular way decides about the attitude toward life. Problems of death, personal and social approach to it, give an answer to the question of who is a human being and what is his final destiny. The Malagasy beliefs concerning death and life after it in many parts correspond with biblical eschatology. However, the differences (the concept of man, God, responsibility for good and evil, finality) are so great, they seem irreconcilable. Risky (for those who cherish orthodoxy) practices that combine catholic and non-Christian ceremonies can then lead to far advance syncretism.

It appears, that the goal of research undertaken in this here dissertation has been achieved and the Betsimisaraka tribe’s funerary customs, rites, and beliefs have been discussed.

Chapter I is an analysis of eschatological images and it was observed that the Malagasy do not clearly divide life into temporality and supernaturalness, but rather the entire reality is some kind of emanation of divinity. Also, such foreign to Christian community definitions as God Zanahary, the Ancestors, and the Reverend Ra were presented.

In Chapter II attention is directed to the meaning and the nomenclature pertaining the graves in the Malagasy notion and it was stated that not only religious life, but also the entire economy of the tribe is directed at tombs – the residences of the Ancestors.

Chapter III is devoted to the Malagasy art of dying in the Betsimisaraka tribe, which, tough it is to a large extent an inheritance of non-Christian elements, also formed its own way of dying. Originality of this ars moriendi lies in such way of life, which earns the privilege of a burial in a common family grave. This, as a consequence, guarantees final union with one God Zanahary.

Chapter IV is an analysis of funerary beliefs and ceremonies. It is important to emphasize the fact that the Malagasy burial rites present a wealth of convictions and ritualistic behaviors, unknown outside of Madagascar. The difference between a Christian and a pagan burial was presented in the text, due to the fact that Malagasy tribes are included into Christian evangelization.

Chapter V presents the topic on a specific funerary activity, exhumation, practiced in all tribes inhabiting Madagascar. It is unknown in European and American cultures. The ceremony was presented in psychological, social, and religious aspects. Economic, moral, and theological criteria were used in the evaluation of exhumation. Also, in the same chapter, this author depicted unknown in European culture rite of funerary sacrifice, which (after disinterring) becomes a second burial observance, practiced in all of Madagascar.

The meaning of God Zanahary is precise in the Betsimisaraka beliefs, which is why one can say without a doubt, that the Malagasy faith is monotheistic. They recognize existence of God Zanahary – Creator, often call on him, and find him in religious services and in fortune telling. In their beliefs they have reverence for male and female deities, though these are merely attributes of personifying Zanahary. Betsimisaraka people believe that God Zanahary lives very high above and is distant from the world and because of it can often be considered unnecessary. The Ancestors, however, are given a special place, since they are seen as protectors of families, clans and tribes, and have a great influence on daily life and people and are the link connecting them with Zanahary. Some of the Betsimisaraka deceased are given the name of the Reverend Ra. This name, because of kinship, entitles them to bringing together the world of the dead and the world of the living.

Since tombs have a specific meaning in the Malagasy community, a conclusion has been reached, that the main reason, compelling them is their conviction that life does not end at the moment of death. Passing away makes it possible for the deceased to join God Zanahary and the Ancestors. Such deep faith can be an example to many Christians. Death to the Betsimisaraka, as it has been observed, is only an awaited ‘smooth transition.’ Again, this kind of an attitude to the problem of death can serve as an example for the highly civilized milieus, which made death phenomenon a marginal issue. Modern man (in the West) fearing death created new myths, in order to preserve the illusion that he can live forever, and behaves in a manner leading to believe that medicine can assure the solution to the problem of passing away. Traditional funerary services specify rules regarding the body, the memorial service, and the burial, which differ from the Christian ones. In the Betsimisaraka practice a woman cannot participate in the funerary procession and cannot be a witness to the interment, as the indigenous people believe that she is created to give life, and not to witness its burial. This particular convention is not known, at least in such radical form, on the European and American continents. Exhumation, that is famandihana, constitutes an important cultural phenomenon. Traditional sacrifices offerings made for the Ancestors (joint with a communal feast), however, are becoming more and more rare in the Malagasy culture. Supplementary photographic material, better documenting this rite, can be found in Annex III of this book.